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Ideology and Power in the Age of Lenin in Ruins – Zygmunt Bauman

Zygmunt Bauman
Reading time 6 min read
Published 1991
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Overview

Ideology and Power in the Age of Lenin in Ruins is an edited collection of essays in social and political theory, assembled by Arthur Kroker and Marilouise Kroker. The attribution of the volume to Zygmunt Bauman is a catalogue error: Bauman is one of its contributors, not its author. The volume is edited by the Krokers, who also supply its introductory essay, and its contributors include Anthony Giddens, Jürgen Habermas, Claude Lefort, Ernesto Laclau, György Márkus, Michel Pêcheux, Mark Lewis and Bauman himself — a roster drawn from critical theory, post-Marxism, French discourse analysis and the sociology of modernity.

The collection takes the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the fall of the Berlin Wall as its occasion and its problem. Its stated ambition is to think the meaning of ideology and the meaning of power afresh against what its editors describe as the shattered horizon of socialist and capitalist realism — that is, at a moment when the contest between the two great ideological blocs had apparently ended, and with it a good deal of the vocabulary in which the politics of the twentieth century had been conducted. Two received understandings are put in question: ideology understood as false consciousness, and power understood as seduction. The first is challenged by political theorists working in and against the Marxist tradition; the second is opened up through a radical, Baudrillardian reading of power. The volume then closes with political analyses of what its editors call demon politics in the post-Cold War era.

Mark Lewis’s opening essay, on art and politics after the fall, sets the frame for the collection: the question of what is to be done once the familiar coordinates of political commitment — the party, the proletariat, the socialist horizon — have lost their self-evidence, and what role aesthetic practice might play in that situation.

Disappearing Ideology

The first and largest part of the volume, gathered under the heading “Disappearing Ideology,” collects essays that dismantle the orthodox Marxist privileging of ideology-critique. The unifying wager is that once ideology is no longer treated as a veil of false consciousness to be pierced by critique, both the concept of ideology and the practice of critique have to be reconstructed.

Anthony Giddens’s “Four Theses on Ideology” belongs to this reassessment, treating ideology as a category that cannot be exhausted by the notion of illusion or error and insisting that it be understood in relation to structures of domination and the mobilization of meaning in social life. Ernesto Laclau’s “The Impossibility of Society” argues that the notion of society as a closed, self-identical totality is incoherent: social relations are constituted through antagonism and hegemony, and the dream of a fully constituted society is precisely what deconstruction exposes as impossible. Michel Pêcheux and Françoise Gadet’s “La Langue Introuvable” brings French discourse theory to bear on the question, arguing against the possibility of constituting language as a closed and autonomous object of a pure linguistics, and situating language instead within the materiality of discourse and social conflict. Jürgen Habermas’s contribution addresses the conditions under which late capitalist society might be revolutionized — a question the volume places in the starkest possible light, since the traditional agents and assumptions of revolutionary Marxism can no longer be taken for granted.

Claude Lefort’s “On the Genesis of Ideology in Modern Societies” is among the volume’s most substantial pieces. Lefort’s argument, developed at length in his work on modern democracy, is that modern democratic society is characterized by the dissolution of the body politic — the loss of the markers of certainty that once guaranteed the unity of the social — and that ideology is best understood as the attempt to restore that unity, to represent society as a single, self-transparent body, to close a division it cannot in fact close. Ideology, on this account, is not simply a body of false representations but a particular mode of discourse about the social, one that responds to the indeterminacy of democratic life.

György Márkus’s “Concepts of Ideology in Marx” reconstructs the different and sometimes conflicting senses in which Marx used the term, distinguishing among them rather than collapsing them into a single doctrine of false consciousness. A further essay in this part takes up ideology in relation to the worldview of the intelligentsia, examining the social position and self-understanding of intellectuals as producers of ideological discourse.

Power as Seduction and the Post-Cold War Scene

The volume’s second movement shifts from ideology to power. Where the essays of the first part interrogate the critique of ideology, the later contributions pursue a Baudrillardian rereading of power as seduction — power conceived less as repression or domination exercised from a centre than as a play of appearances, simulation and attraction that cannot be located in the classic places of political authority. Zygmunt Bauman’s contribution belongs to this broader reassessment of the relation between ideology and power in the volume, alongside the other contributors assembled here.

The book concludes with political analyses of demon politics in the post-Cold War era: accounts of how political enmity, the identification of internal and external demons, and the moralization of political conflict took shape once the bipolar framework of the Cold War had dissolved. The figure of Lenin in the title is not the subject of a historical study but a marker of the volume’s premise — that the ruin of the socialist project requires, rather than permits the avoidance of, a renewed theory and practice of democratic politics.

Taken as a whole, then, Ideology and Power in the Age of Lenin in Ruins is a theoretical anthology rather than a monograph: a set of essays, by different hands and from different traditions, converging on the claim that the fall of the Berlin Wall did not settle the question of ideology and power but made it newly pressing, and that the answer cannot be a simple return either to the critique of false consciousness or to a purely repressive conception of power.

The volume’s treatment of ideology is further deepened by the presence of Ernesto Laclau and Michel Pêcheux. Laclau’s post-Marxist position presses the claim that “society” is not a closed totality awaiting correct representation but a field of articulatory practices whose unity is always attempted and never final; ideology, in this register, names the attempt to suture that field and produce the effect of closure. Pêcheux’s work keeps the volume attentive to the materiality of discourse and to the mechanisms by which subjects are constituted through misrecognition — ideology not merely as a set of ideas one holds but as a structure that assigns positions and disguises the process of assignment. Read alongside Lefort’s account of democratic indeterminacy and Márkus’s reconstruction of Marx’s multiple concepts, these contributions make the book a sustained argument against reducing ideology either to error or to manipulation.

A distinctive feature of the collection is that it holds these post-Marxist and discourse-theoretical positions alongside the Baudrillardian account of power as seduction. The result is not a unified doctrine but a set of productive tensions: between ideology as closure and power as play; between the critique of representation and the need for democratic politics; between the ruin of Leninism and the persistence of ideological antagonism. The volume does not resolve these tensions; it stages them as the theoretical condition of the post-Cold War present. Its title’s “ruins” thus functions as a critical rather than elegiac figure: the broken edifice of official Marxism is the site from which the question of ideology and power must be thought again, without the guarantees either of a revolutionary subject or of a purely repressive model of power.

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