About the Work
“The Servant of Peace” is a collection of speeches and statements by Dag Hammarskjöld, who served as Secretary-General of the United Nations from 1953 to 1961. The volume was edited and introduced by Wilder Foote and published in Great Britain. It compiles Hammarskjöld’s public addresses and remarks, offering insights into his views on international relations, the role of the United Nations, and the challenges of global cooperation during his tenure.
“All about us, there was a row of pagodas from different centuries, and life was strongly colored by the position of the city as a Buddhist shrine.”
Context
The book provides a window into the period of Dag Hammarskjöld’s service as UN Secretary-General, from 1953 to 1961, a time marked by significant global tensions, including the Cold War, decolonization, and various regional conflicts such as the Suez and Hungarian crises. Hammarskjöld’s statements reflect the evolving landscape of international diplomacy and the efforts to establish peace and justice in a rapidly changing world. His addresses often touch upon the historical antecedents of international cooperation, drawing comparisons with the League of Nations and referencing figures like Woodrow Wilson. The collection also highlights the intellectual and ethical challenges of international service, particularly in a world grappling with ideological divisions and the aftermath of major conflicts. The “Atoms for Peace Conference” and the establishment of the International Atomic Energy Agency are noted as key initiatives during this period, reflecting efforts to channel scientific advancements towards peaceful ends.
Structure of the Book
The book is structured into two main parts, corresponding to Dag Hammarskjöld’s terms as Secretary-General: “PART I: 1953-1957” and “PART II: 1958-1961.” Preceding these parts are an “INTRODUCTION” by the editor and a piece titled “OLD CREEDS IN A NEW WORLD—A STATEMENT OF BELIEF.”
Part I, “1953-1957,” begins with “STATEMENTS AFTER ELECTION TO OFFICE” (April 9, 1953 – December 4, 1953), which includes initial addresses such as “The International Public Servant” and “A Work of Reconciliation and Realistic Construction.” This part then continues with a chronological series of addresses, statements, and extracts from annual reports, covering topics like “THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE POLITICAL SCIENTIST,” “AN INSTRUMENT OF FAITH,” “ON MODERN ART,” and “STATEMENTS AT THE TIME OF THE SUEZ AND HUNGARIAN CRISES ON THE DUTIES OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL.” It concludes with “A ROOM OF QUIET—THE UNITED NATIONS MEDITATION ROOM,” written in 1957.
Part II, “1958-1961,” commences with “THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND TERM” (April 9, 1958, to April 10, 1958), including remarks to the UN Correspondents Association and staff. This part also features a chronological sequence of addresses and statements, such as “THE USES OF PRIVATE DIPLOMACY,” “DANGERS OF A ‘POLITICIZED’ WORLD,” “DO WE NEED THE UNITED NATIONS?,” and “ON AFRICA.” It includes “PRESS CONFERENCE COMMENTS” from 1959-1960 and a statement on “THE UNITED NATIONS AND FAILURE AT THE SUMMIT.” The book concludes with “INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION FOR SUSTAINED ECONOMIC GROWTH,” a statement to the Economic and Social Council on June 6, 1960, followed by a discussion on the needs of newly awakened nations and a proposal for an “international professional and technical civil service of the United Nations.”
Detailed Section-by-Section Summary
The Servant of Peace: An Overview
“The Servant of Peace” compiles speeches and statements by Dag Hammarskjöld, the United Nations Secretary-General from 1953 to 1961, edited by Wilder Foote. The book is structured with an introduction, a statement of belief titled “Old Creeds in a New World,” and two main parts covering his tenure: Part I (1953-1957) and Part II (1958-1961). Part I begins with statements made shortly after his election, addressing topics such as the role of the international public servant, reconciliation, the transition from the League of Nations to the UN, and the “weapons” of the Secretariat. It then details numerous addresses and reports, including “The United Nations and the Political Scientist,” “The New ‘Santa Maria’,” and “New Diplomatic Techniques in a New World.” Further entries cover diverse subjects like modern art, tributes, and statements on major international crises such as Suez and Hungary, culminating in his re-election statement and a description of the UN Meditation Room. Part II continues with remarks at the start of his second term, discussions on private diplomacy, disarmament, and the dangers of a “politicized” world. It includes addresses on science, the necessity of the UN, and the relationship between Asia, Africa, and the West, alongside press conference comments and statements on international cooperation.
Tribute to a Mediator
On July 24, 1953, at UN Headquarters, a tribute was delivered to Folke Bernadotte, who five years prior had sacrificed his life while serving the United Nations. Bernadotte’s mission was to establish and maintain a truce in Palestine, ultimately aiming for an armistice. His death on September 17, 1948, on the road from Lydda to Ramallah, exemplified gallant and unselfish service to humanity’s highest ideals. His humility and compassion for all human life drove him to overcome obstacles and take risks to alleviate suffering. The tribute honored not merely his memory, but a living ideal of profound faith in God and in humanity’s fundamental decency. This ideal, essential for patient negotiation, ceaseless conciliation, and appealing to reason, forms the very foundation of the United Nations. Bernadotte’s name stands as a testament to the truth that efforts toward honest agreement and human good are worthy of the greatest sacrifice.
The Weapons of the Secretariat
During UN Staff Day at Ciampino on December 4, 1953, an address highlighted the crucial independence of the Secretariat. Just as nations arm for strength, the Secretariat must arm itself for peace and a better world, its weight derived from its people. The Secretariat plays an essential role in world affairs, a role it can fulfill only by accepting the responsibility and independence required to build its strength. This means rejecting insignificance, constant criticism, and the shirking of risks, choosing instead to embrace responsibility, even if it means sacrificing illusory safety.
The UN and the Political Scientist
Addressing the American Political Science Association on September 11, 1953, the Secretary-General discussed the UN’s role in relation to social scientists. He emphasized the UN’s commitment to truth in its intellectual and practical activities, offering rich material for studying international administration, diplomatic techniques, and relations within a body serving all nations despite global divisions. Drawing on his academic background, he cautioned against premature conclusions.
He identified two key challenges for social scientists:
- Organizational and Institutional Problems in International Administration: The truly international and independent status of the UN administration presents unique challenges, some of which, like loyalty investigations, have garnered public attention. More subtle, day-to-day issues include managing national diversity within the Secretariat, aiming to transform potential divisions into assets. Different administrative traditions, such as American specialization versus European professional flexibility, must be blended to create a new, effective technique for a universal international administration. This also raises questions about integrating specialized experts and managing their careers.
- Diplomatic Techniques and International Relations: Traditional bilateral diplomacy is evolving into a multilateral approach through the UN, which provides a denationalized platform for states. The full potential of the UN for multilateral diplomacy, combining public discussion with private negotiations, is still being explored. This field requires consideration of historical experiences and the psychology of public debate in the modern media age.
The Secretary-General views himself as a symbol for the Secretariat, facing a delicate public relations challenge: not propaganda, but effectively conveying the UN’s story to gain public support, transforming public relations into human relations. The UN must activate humanity’s urge for peace and decency, fostering awareness of interdependence, and challenging the fear that often motivates human action. This broad scope requires insights from political science, economics, and psychology, acknowledging the interconnectedness of social sciences. The ultimate challenge is for humanity to master its world through understanding.
The New ‘Santa Maria’
At a dinner hosted by the American Association for the United Nations on September 14, 1953, the Secretary-General addressed an audience united by their concern for the UN’s purpose. He identified with them, considering himself a “draftee” for his role but freely committed to the UN’s ideals. They were all “in the same boat,” determined to use available means with perseverance and trust. He quoted the Baghavad-Gita, advocating for work without anxiety about results, in calm self-surrender, which he saw as both worldly wisdom and deep faith.
Navigating their work, they must avoid the despair of those seeking immediate results and the cynicism of those feeling impotent, as well as opposition from those who welcome storms. Acknowledging the comparison to Columbus and the Santa Maria, he noted they still needed to prove themselves, guided by historical experience and new knowledge. Human history, though seemingly beyond individual control, is made by men. While they cannot mold the material world like Columbus, they can influence world development from within, supporting movements for peace and freedom as enshrined in the UN Charter.
He asserted that the current era is fundamentally shaped by movements towards greater justice within nations and greater political and economic equality between nations. He clarified that dictatorships, wars, and revolutions are manifestations of these basic movements when they clash with ideologies or unguided reactions, rather than the movements themselves. The UN’s origin lies with those who sought to channel these 20th-century trends into a peaceful legal framework, leading to the League of Nations and then the UN. He believed the UN, its Charter, and Specialized Agencies are aligned with the positive manifestations of these movements, pledging peaceful progress and greater social and economic justice.
The UN, he stressed, cannot infringe on national sovereignty or interfere in domestic matters, nor does it add to national sovereignty beyond modest administrative functions. Blaming the UN for difficulties is like blaming the ship or weather. Organized international cooperation, through the UN, eases the burden on nations to prevent war and encourage orderly evolution, costing far less than “going it alone.” The UN Charter’s working hypothesis of universal membership, reflecting global interdependence, is challenged by those who misunderstand this reality.
New Diplomatic Techniques
The discussion then shifted to the evolving nature of diplomacy. National prestige, often a barrier in international relations, means that diplomats and governments, unlike legislators in democracies, are not yet fully accustomed to the give-and-take of multilateral diplomacy. Public opinion, fearing labels of appeasement or defeat, often resists compromise. Modern diplomats must face public opinion, which acts as a master of their masters, but they should not be solely guided by anticipated reactions. Instead, diplomacy can also direct public opinion. In the age of mass media, a diplomat must be a leader, looking beyond immediate reactions and superficial wishes, even those from powerful news organs. Their responsibility includes guiding public opinion to accept global interdependence and to embrace compromise in international politics, as it does in national issues.
Diplomatic techniques and the substance of modern diplomacy are inseparable; technique must adapt to substance and, to some extent, is the substance. A diplomat needs to believe in the multilateral approach to succeed and must have the courage to adjust to unavoidable public scrutiny. To meet public opinion’s demands, a diplomat must understand and deeply respect it, providing leadership when it doesn’t reflect the deeper aspirations of the people. The ultimate test of diplomacy is its ability to evoke public support for what is wise and necessary for world peace and progress.
An Instrument of Faith
On August 20, 1954, the Secretary-General addressed the Second Assembly of the World Council of Churches in Evanston, Illinois, as a spokesman for the United Nations. He expressed admiration for Archbishop Nathan Soderblom, a leader of the ecumenical movement, and acknowledged the shared aim and field of action between the Churches, as guardians of man’s deepest beliefs, and the UN, as an organization for diplomatic negotiation and international administrative action.
He recounted a televised interview where a sixteen-year-old questioned the absence of God in the UN Charter. The Secretary-General pointed to the Preamble’s “faith in the dignity and worth of the human person” and the pledge “to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors,” believing the youngster recognized this as God’s will to love one’s neighbor. He explained that a document for world cooperation must respect diverse creeds.
The UN, though necessarily outside all confessions, is an “instrument of faith,” inspired by what unites, not divides, great religions. Its motto could be “Faith and Order,” defending “Faith in the dignity and worth of men, born equal,” and serving “Order” as a guarantee for peace and freedom. Like the Churches’ call for a “new faith and determination,” the UN and its members require renewed, daily faith and determination for responsible action. Thus, the UN and the Churches stand together in the pursuit of peace.
He noted that while there was no open warfare “anywhere in the world” for the first time in years, this did not equate to peace, with major conflicts ongoing in Indochina, Palestine, and Kashmir, and other threats looming. These conflicts were symptoms of underlying global trends and tensions. Beneath the surface, constructive forces exist, but without a legal order inspired by a will to peace, they threaten destruction. The modern era is characterized by two trends: social and economic equality within nations, and equal rights and opportunities for all nations. These trends, reflecting an urge for justice and peace, must be guided constructively to avoid cataclysms. This requires practical international action for economic progress, political arrangements for peaceful development towards independence, and inspiration for leaders to use power for peace and evolution.
He cautioned against overstating or understating ideological tension, specifically warning against equating the battle between righteous and wrong-doers with national boundaries. Conflicts behind international and national politics are ultimately conflicts in the “heart of men.” The UN’s main task is to address acute conflicts through mediation and reconciliation, and to direct political forces by helping peoples achieve independence and self-determination, and by raising living standards through technical assistance.
However, the UN’s influence on underlying ideological tensions is more limited. It can be a focal point for hopes of peace, encouraging impartiality and justice, but its nature makes it inadequate for influencing basic attitudes decisive in the “battle for the hearts of men.” This “war” can only be waged by those who speak directly to men, which is the “great, the overwhelming task of the Churches and of all men of good will of every creed.” Their vital contribution is to fight for wider recognition of ideals of justice and truth, and to show men the strength derived from courage to meet others with trust, counteracting widespread fear, frustration, distrust, and desperation. He reminded that “he who fears God will no longer fear men.”
By advocating for justice, truth, and trust in public affairs, Churches can be a decisive force for good in international and national political life without assuming a direct political role. They can also help explain world affairs and individual responsibility, clarifying the UN’s ideals. In explaining peace work, the Sermon on the Mount’s “take no thought of the morrow… Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof” should be emphasized. This expresses the patience needed for peace and justice, where daily effort, even without immediate hope of success, will ultimately lead to a world of greater justice and goodwill. This means acting with the patience of one without anxiety, in “calm self-surrender of faith.” For Christian faith, the Cross, understood as revealing all men as both enemies and beloved of God, should enable universal brotherhood, not division.
On Modern Art
At the inauguration of the 25th Anniversary of the Museum of Modern Art in New York on October 19, 1954, Dag Hammarskjöld, a keen admirer of the Museum’s work, spoke on modern art. He noted that modern art, in its search for and mastery of basic elements, reveals the true victory of past great artists, helping to understand the harmony of past works without leading to eclecticism. It has forged keys to perfection it has yet to reach, courageously addressing modern man’s problems and reflecting his situation in a world of conflicts born from his achievements. This has earned it the recompense of illuminating the greatness of man in past artistic achievements.
Art gives more to life than it takes. True art’s message lies in the new reality it creates by reflecting experience, not in the reality it describes. People sometimes chisel beauty from matter in their minds, and if they pushed these momentary experiences to their extreme, they would share the modern artist’s effort to isolate beauty from life’s impurity, even if it means dissolving life’s forms. Therefore, one should not feel estranged by modern art if familiar aspects of everyday life are not immediately recognizable. Modern art teaches us to see by forcing us to use our senses, intellect, and sensibility to follow its exploration, making us “seers,” like Ezra Pound sensing “the enormous tragedy of the dream in the peasants bent shoulders.” To prevail, we must be seers and explorers.
Hjalmar Hammarskjöld
Dag Hammarskjöld delivered his Inaugural Address to the Swedish Academy in Stockholm on December 20, 1954, taking the seat left vacant by his father, Hjalmar Hammarskjöld, who died in 1953. During this visit, Dag Hammarskjöld also arranged with the Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China for his visit to Peking to address the imprisoned American fliers. Hjalmar Hammarskjöld had served as Prime Minister of Sweden from 1914 to 1917.
Hjalmar Hammarskjöld believed that peace might be achieved even at the cost of vital interests, and that compromises become neutral for a belligerent. For a small country, defense was the only remaining argument, making sacrifices worthwhile for its own interest. This informed his invocation of ‘obligations’ for neutrals to demand considerate treatment from belligerents, and his expansion of neutrality principles to trade policy. These positions were taken during a period when belligerent parties tried to force Sweden to indirectly support their trade war. Hjalmar Hammarskjöld believed Sweden’s duty was to pursue its own interests and protect its supply, avoiding actions that one party might see as cooperation with the other. This widened the obligation to safeguard interests into an obligation not to be used by either party. Demanding respect for these ‘obligations’ in negotiations was natural, as deviations could be invoked for warlike actions clashing with Sweden’s ‘rights’.
A mature man, as his own judge, relies solely on faithfulness to convictions, which can lead to loneliness and accusations of obdurate self-sufficiency. This was Hjalmar Hammarskjöld’s fate as war difficulties increased. In autumn 1916, a serious crisis arose with impending trade negotiations with Britain. As Prime Minister, Hjalmar Hammarskjöld became isolated while resisting a line he feared would lead to a surrender of rights with uncontrollable consequences. He considered resigning, but the available material does not permit a final judgment of this episode or his reactions. The Cabinet resigned in spring 1917 after a crisis foreshadowed by these events. Upon relinquishing the Prime Minister post, Hjalmar Hammarskjöld had also experienced the responsibility imposed by friends’ confidence and the impact of public judgment, which can persist for decades. The text notes the lack of political and diplomatic understanding sometimes illustrated by how historical data is presented.
His return to Upsala after years in office marked a new phase of life, dominated by private interests and work on old passions.
The Secretariat’s Role and the Balance of Diplomacy
The Secretariat, particularly the Secretary-General, plays a crucial role in shaping the United Nations’ development through its daily work, providing information, and generating ideas. Its independence, mandated by the Charter, ensures its assistance is guided solely by the Organization’s principles, not individual Member interests. This commitment to the collective ideal is a profound responsibility, underscored by the Secretary-General’s power to initiate Security Council action when peace is threatened. The Secretariat’s function is best served through “quiet diplomacy,” a discreet and integral approach akin to a foreign office, safeguarding entrusted interests and confidences.
In contrast, the General Assembly and Councils operate through “conference diplomacy,” characterized by open debates accessible to the public and press. This method offers advantages like shaping public opinion, subjecting national policies to global scrutiny, and activating support for just causes. However, it also carries risks, such as the temptation to “play to the gallery” and the potential for publicly stated positions to become rigid, hindering compromise. Recognizing these strengths and weaknesses, a careful balance between conference diplomacy and quiet diplomacy—whether between Member governments or with the Secretary-General—is increasingly seen as essential for maximizing the UN’s effectiveness in achieving peace. The Charter, like a national constitution, allows for the evolution of new, unwritten forms of operation, and the speaker advocates for cautious but firm progress in developing new methods of contact, deliberation, and reconciliation.
Strengthening International Law and the Judiciary
The speaker then addresses the judiciary, represented by the International Court of Justice, emphasizing its fundamental importance for the UN’s growth and prosperity. While many international conflicts are political, their underlying substance is often legal. A stronger position for the judiciary in the international constitutional system would allow for more effective resolution of these issues on a legal basis. The current weakness stems partly from the political difficulty for sovereign states to submit to legal judgment rather than negotiation, and partly from the underdeveloped state of international law itself. The speaker argues that it is crucial to restrict the arena where strength dictates outcomes and instead operate under the rule of law. To develop international law, all possibilities for submitting conflicts to jurisdiction should be utilized.
Experience within the Secretariat suggests a need for wider scope for quiet diplomacy, greater reliance on unspectacular efforts by executive organs, and a strengthened judiciary. The Secretariat’s aim is to improve the Organization’s functioning, serving the community of nations and accepting all responsibilities entrusted to it, risking peace, security, and welfare for the global good. The motto “I serve” should inspire all in positions of responsibility, especially those engaged in the vital venture of international cooperation.
The “Introduction to the Annual Report 1954-1955” further elaborates on “The Strengthening of International Law.” It highlights the emergence of a “common law” of the United Nations, based on the Charter, and encourages the more frequent use of advisory opinions from the International Court of Justice and arbitral proceedings. It also calls for systematic examination of State practice within the UN and increased resources for the International Law Commission. Crucially, Member States are urged to submit legal disputes to the International Court of Justice more frequently, noting that only half have accepted its compulsory jurisdiction.
The Political Significance of Atomic Energy and Human Rights
The “Statement at the opening of the International Scientific Conference on the peaceful uses of atomic energy in Geneva, 8 August 1955,” discusses “The Political Significance of the Atoms for Peace Conference.” This conference, a non-political endeavor focused on scientific truth and brotherhood, nonetheless held profound political significance due to its impact on human life. The speaker expressed confidence that scientific cooperation and data exchange would ease tensions, inspire trust, and redirect focus from war to peace, acknowledging the scientists’ role in “expiating” humanity’s guilt for using atomic discovery for annihilation.
In “The International Significance of the Bill of Rights,” an address from May 14, 1956, the speaker connects the Virginia Declaration of Rights (1776) to the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). The Virginia Declaration’s novelty lay in formally recognizing human rights as part of written constitutional law, protecting individuals from both monarchical and majority tyranny. While acknowledging the historical roots of these ideas, the speaker emphasizes the significance of their active implementation in community life. He notes that modern society, with its complex collectivities, presents a different context than the 18th century, making the application of old ideas of human dignity more challenging. The evolution from a declaration by a small community to one by the first international organization reflects growth in human rights recognition, yet the forces opposing human rights remain complex and persistent. The UN Charter’s call for international cooperation in promoting human rights is a testament to this ongoing struggle.
Addressing Needs of Newly Awakened Nations and the Upsala Tradition
The narrative then shifts to the needs of newly independent nations, whose aspirations often outstrip their capacity due to a lack of skilled personnel. The speaker welcomes the proposal for an “international professional and technical civil service of the United Nations,” a career service for qualified individuals to work within national administrations of less-developed countries while maintaining international status. This initiative, requiring the highest selection standards, aims to address the critical shortage of human resources, which are deemed even more vital than capital for economic development.
“ON THE UPSALA TRADITION,” remarks from June 4, 1956, reflects on the historical and spiritual legacy of Upsala College. This tradition, embodying quiet self-assurance and world citizenship, teaches patience, belief in justice, and the importance of humility. It inspires faithfulness to ideals, even in the face of temporary setbacks, and fosters a spirit of peace.
Universality, Changing World Dynamics, and the UN’s Role
“FROM THE INTRODUCTION TO THE ANNUAL REPORT 1955-1956,” dated October 4, 1956, highlights “UNIVERSALITY AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.” The significant increase in UN membership, particularly from newly independent nations, marks a decisive step towards universality, making the Organization more representative of global diversity. This expanded representativeness enhances the UN’s capacity to address major challenges: the relationship between Asian/African peoples and Western traditions, economic development, and the ideological conflict dividing the world. While this brings new constitutional, political, and organizational challenges, the opportunity to build a more effective world organization outweighs them.
“THE ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS IN A CHANGING WORLD” discusses Article 1 of the Charter, emphasizing the development of friendly relations based on equal rights and self-determination. The UN serves as a focal point for guiding this global shift peacefully, encouraging constructive nationalism while helping to avoid hostility. Public debate within the UN is valuable, but its resources for reconciliation need greater recognition. The speaker advocates for emphasizing negotiation of settlements, not just debate, upholding justice and international law through peaceful means and bringing the weight of the world community to bear.
The Suez and Hungarian Crises: Duties of the Secretary-General
“STATEMENTS AT THE TIME OF THE SUEZ AND HUNGARIAN CRISES ON THE DUTIES OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL, BEFORE THE SECURITY COUNCIL” provides context for two critical interventions. On October 31, 1956, during the Suez Crisis, the Secretary-General affirmed that Charter principles are paramount, transcending national policies. He declared his duty to maintain usefulness by avoiding public stands unless they aid resolution, but stressed that discretion must not become expediency. His role is to serve Charter principles, which define right and wrong for him, assuming Member nations honor their pledges. This statement of the Secretary-General’s right and duty to speak and act for Charter principles was accepted by the Great Powers. On November 4, 1956, during the Hungarian Crisis, he reiterated these observations, affirming their applicability to the new situation.
Human Rights, Peace, and the UN’s Enduring Struggle
In “HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE WORK FOR PEACE,” an address from April 30, 1957, the speaker reflects on his unexpected induction into office and the recurring nature of international crises. He quotes an ancient Chinese historian’s description of philosopher Sung Tzu and his followers, who, despite constant rebuffs, persistently sought to settle differences and prevent war. The speaker interprets this not as a tale of failure, but as a worthwhile struggle that must continue.
He emphasizes the close relationship between peace and human rights, asserting that neither can fully develop without the other. Work for peace is fundamentally work for the most elementary human right: security and freedom from fear. The dilemma of the age is the transition from a world of armaments to one of international security based on law. This effort, fraught with distrust and setbacks, requires the persistence of Sung Tzu and his followers, and the willingness of peoples and governments to take immediate risks to avoid disaster. The UN, though currently too weak to provide universal security, is strong enough to point towards solutions. Its role, even if it appears like a preacher who cannot enforce the law, is to state the law, as great societal changes often begin with such frailty.
Progress Towards Security and the Palestine Question
The passage continues by noting that recent periods of quiet contribute to a favorable environment for future progress towards global security and well-being. This progress fundamentally depends on the attitudes and initiatives of governments, with the UN offering support through its authority, diplomatic processes, and objective judgment.
Regarding the Palestine question, the UN bears significant responsibilities, including a humanitarian obligation towards the refugees displaced for nine years. The speaker stresses the urgency of restoring the Armistice Agreements and providing constructive help for refugee resettlement. Despite the immense difficulties, he believes a basic will for peace exists in the region, and governments, with UN assistance, can and must overcome obstacles to lead their people towards a more secure future.
The United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and Suez Canal
The United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) is described as a groundbreaking, temporary force created rapidly under emergency conditions. Its demonstrated value in the Middle East underscores the need for careful analysis of its experience to establish a sound foundation for a future standby UN peace force, activatable on short notice. Steps for such a study are already underway within the Secretariat. The indispensable role of the UNEF Advisory Committee is acknowledged, and the appointment of “select committees” for future mandates of this kind is suggested as a valuable development.
Concerning the Suez Canal, the UN addressed two aspects: the ongoing differences over the Canal’s regime after nationalization, and the UN’s responsibility to assist in reopening the Canal after it was blocked. The international clearance operation, conducted under the UN flag, was another first for the world organization, successfully reopening the Canal to full traffic in just over three months. While some aspects of the Canal’s regime remain pending, Egypt has accepted the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice for legal disputes related to the Constantinople Convention of 1888. The Secretary-General continues informal contact regarding other unresolved questions.
The Hungarian Question and the UN’s Constitutional Authority
The Hungarian question, including the UN’s concern, relief efforts, and refugee assistance, was comprehensively addressed in the General Assembly, which also considered the report of its Special Committee. Both the Hungarian and Middle Eastern situations raised constitutional issues regarding the General Assembly’s power to pronounce judgment and recommend action, particularly when faced with differences between majority and minority views. The majority acted consistently with its interpretation of the Charter and the Assembly’s powers, securing very large majorities in both cases.
However, compliance with Assembly resolutions varied. While there was eventual full compliance with troop withdrawal from Egyptian territory, there was no compliance with political recommendations regarding Hungary, based on the minority’s view of the domestic jurisdiction clause. This highlighted the question of how the General Assembly might secure compliance, given that it can recommend, investigate, and pronounce judgment, but cannot compel. Only the Security Council can order force to maintain or restore international peace and security. The “Uniting for Peace” resolution allows the General Assembly to recommend “collective measures, including… the use of armed force,” but the power of decision rests with individual Member Governments. While sanctions were considered for Egypt and proposed for Hungary, the Assembly’s course in the latter case resulted in a resolution of condemnation and a decision to order a study, measures appropriate to its constitutional authority.
The UN as an Indispensable Instrument for Peace
The events of the past year, in the speaker’s view, further illuminated the UN’s role. It is not a super-State but an instrument for negotiation and concerted action, supplementing traditional diplomacy. Criticisms of its limitations often undervalue its contributions and fail to recognize that real limitations stem from international realities, not Charter provisions. Abandoning the UN because it cannot yet enforce law would erase progress and close doors to future hopes.
The UN should be seen as an imperfect but indispensable instrument for peaceful evolution towards a just and secure world order. Its power is limited by the balance of dynamic forces in human history, and further progress will come through organic growth in international custom and law. While alliance systems may serve a purpose, they, along with other traditional means, are limited safeguards. Nations can no longer arrogate judgment to themselves as they once did.
The greatest need is to blunt, not sharpen, conflict. The UN, if properly used, can serve a diplomacy of reconciliation better than other instruments. Its framework allows diverse interests to meet, and it tends to overcome differences, moving towards common interests and Charter principles. The criticism of “one vote for one nation” is a misunderstanding; the General Assembly is a diplomatic meeting where policies are subject to national influences. The “Uniting for Peace” resolution did not transfer enforcement powers to the Assembly, which remain with the Security Council. The UN reflects, but does not cause, global power shifts like the renaissance of Asia and the awakening of Africa.
Debate and vote are essential UN processes for guiding development constructively. However, voting victories are illusory without lasting consent for peaceful and just settlements. The UN’s adjustment and negotiation processes extend beyond public proceedings to include quiet work—preparing ground, accommodating interests, conciliation, and mediation—which forms the basis for winning consent to agreed solutions. This evolution in multilateral diplomacy should be pursued and broadened, as it is more urgent than formal constitutional changes.
Re-election and the Continuity of Purpose
In a “STATEMENT ON HIS RE-ELECTION TO A SECOND TERM, BEFORE THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 26 SEPTEMBER 1957,” Dag Hammarskjöld accepted his re-election with a deep awareness of its significance, reaffirming his understanding of his office’s responsibilities, which include scope for independent action in support of peace based on Charter principles. He expressed gratitude for the encouragement and confidence, and for the opportunity to work with governments and the Secretariat staff.
He underscored that the UN, as a venture towards an international community living in peace under justice, transforms work for its aims from duty to privilege. While political factors may limit progress, the main direction of UN work, guided by Charter purposes and principles, is the path the world must follow. Therefore, UN service, regardless of immediate results, is profoundly meaningful, as every step forward, even with setbacks, widens the scope for peace.
The Beginning of the Second Term: Continuity and Optimism
“PART II: 1958-1961 – THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND TERM” notes that the Secretary-General’s second term officially began on April 10, 1958.
In extemporaneous remarks at a UN Correspondents Association Luncheon on April 9, 1958, the Secretary-General quoted a Swedish poem emphasizing the continuity of the past into the future. He applied this to international peace efforts, viewing current work as a small part of a steady, sound growth in human endeavor. He expressed a “fighting optimism,” a belief that the future will be alright because enough dedicated people will strive for a decent future, rejecting the “mechanical optimism” of previous generations.
At a Special Meeting of the UN Staff on April 10, 1958, the Secretary-General recalled his initial intention five years prior to prioritize staff problems, believing a strong foundation of “human satisfaction in the job” was essential for political and diplomatic success. He expressed gratitude for the staff’s support and cooperation, stating his happiness and pride in being “one of you.” He emphasized a deeper sense of unity beyond mere teamwork, committing to fostering this goal and announcing personal meetings with all staff. He concluded by interpreting a Swedish poem about joy and sorrow as a global aspiration for a future of great joy and small sorrow, and personally, as finding joy in a fulfilled and worthwhile duty.
UN Operations and Regional Cooperation in the Middle East
The United Nations continued its involvement in the Middle East with the establishment of the United Nations Observation Group in Lebanon (UNOGIL) in June 1958, a mission that proved valuable and justified further development. While UNOGIL addressed potentially temporary conditions, experience suggested the need for a sustained UN presence in Lebanon to affirm its independence and integrity, with specific arrangements contingent on the Lebanese government’s stance. Similarly, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, central to regional stability, required special attention. Strengthening the Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) within existing armistice agreements was considered, with any additional measures needing to be tailored to Jordan’s specific situation and coordinated with other UN efforts.
These UN operations, including UNEF, UNTSO, and UNOGIL, served as safeguards for governments, supporting developments aligned with UN and Member State interests. However, their ultimate success depended on the actions of Member Nations in the region. The Arab nations, through the Arab League, had already committed to principles of mutual respect, sovereignty, non-aggression, and non-interference. A joint reaffirmation of these principles by the states involved in the current unrest would significantly bolster UN efforts, with the Organization prepared to support such declarations and policy alignments.
Beyond political principles, the UN recognized the strong need for economic cooperation in the region, particularly in finance, where appropriate institutions could facilitate fund flow. Cooperation in areas like oil production and transit, or joint water resource utilization, was also deemed beneficial. The Organization was ready to offer technical assistance and support for institutions created by the free initiative of regional countries, with the Secretariat, aided by the International Bank, prepared to provide such aid.
The success of both direct UN representation and Arab cooperation hinged on the world community’s recognition of the region’s unique challenges and opportunities. Many newly independent sovereign states, bound by strong ties and a shared Arab heritage, possessed problems and aspirations that, when respected and understood, could advance UN purposes by assuring them the ability to shape their destinies. The author believed that progress in these areas would lay the groundwork for addressing other serious issues, such as the urgent refugee question, once more favorable conditions emerged.
Science and Human Relations
In an address at the Atoms for Peace Award Ceremony in January 1959, the author reflected on the unprecedented, world-embracing changes brought about by science, technology, and economic and political developments within a single lifetime. He cited physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer’s observation that “childhood ways” were inadequate for mature issues, underscoring the necessity for continuous individual development alongside societal progress. Arnold Toynbee’s view of developed societies’ responsibility for those left behind was seen as a symptom of this change, rooted in historical demands for a “share of the place in the sun,” fueled by ideologies from the French, American, and Soviet Revolutions and amplified by modern communication.
This ferment had led to two major post-World War II conflict sets: the Cold War and tensions between the West and Asian/African peoples, highlighting human relations as the paramount problem. Solving this was crucial for peace and for science and technology to meet the demands they partly created. The individual, often overwhelmed by mass movements and rapid change, still needed to master these situations, reinforcing the need to move beyond “childhood ways.” A significant risk for professionals was the suppression of inner freedom by demands for conformity, making tolerance for individual experimentation more vital than ever for progress.
The author quoted Oppenheimer on the “open society” and “unrestricted access to knowledge” as pathways to a “world of human community,” and Francis Perrin on science’s demand for “perfect sincerity” and “objective pursuit of truth” that rejects “empty emotional bombast.” He honored Professor de Hevesy, a pioneer in the scientific revolution, for his creative contributions, which exemplified the growing unity of natural science and its impact on life sciences, medicine, and agriculture. Society had a duty to honor such men by addressing modern problems with the same advance of knowledge, fighting poverty, disease, inequality, and lack of freedom, and developing ways for people to coexist in a “shrunken world.”
The UN, though a “crude” instrument, served to construct relationships, address economic and ideological problems, and channel scientific achievements for human benefit, fostering an environment for individual freedom. It was a “first approximation” to world order, comparable to Niels Bohr’s atom model—an approach that, if developed, could lead to a satisfactory solution. Based on mankind’s fundamental unity of interest in peace and progress, the UN’s concept was not enforced unity but reflected the “unity of science” as a “unity of comparable dedication” and “potential unity” where diverse ideas could fertilize each other. The UN’s success depended on recognizing this fundamental unity and the efforts of pioneers who dared to risk “fruitful mistakes” to meet the challenges of widening knowledge and complex human relationships, requiring intellectual and moral courage.
Do We Need the United Nations?
In a May 1959 address to the Students Association in Copenhagen, delivered amidst speculation about the UN’s role in Berlin, the author aimed to clarify the Organization’s limits and possibilities in negotiation and executive functions. He acknowledged that the UN’s role might seem invisible during intense international negotiations occurring outside its formal structures. However, he argued that the UN, as both a negotiation forum and an executive body with practical functions, remained essential.
While not the primary forum for recent European security talks, the UN’s negotiation forms could prove crucial later. It offered a unique setting where representatives with direct and indirect interests met face-to-face, fostering continuous cooperation and informal discussions that complemented traditional diplomacy. These confidential exchanges, often across otherwise impassable frontiers, diluted political differences and allowed the “human factor” to carry more weight. The UN’s hosting of the upcoming foreign ministers’ meeting in Geneva, though not under its auspices, signified its natural role as a framework for discussions.
The author argued that a flexible interpretation of the UN Charter, viewing it as a foundational document for common goals and cooperation rather than a rigid set of limiting procedures, allowed for the evolution of new, productive approaches. This perspective made current developments compatible with the Charter, which was seen as a living document adaptable to changing needs.
Reiterating the necessity of the UN, the author emphasized its indispensable role in negotiation, as an executive organ, for conflict resolution, and as a foundation for extra-national influence to prevent future conflicts. No other international organizations offered viable alternatives. Therefore, the work of the UN had to continue, as abandoning it would mean abandoning hope for better international coexistence.
Asia, Africa, and the West
In a May 1959 address in Lund, Sweden, the author used an anecdote from an Oriental capital to frame a discussion on the East-West confrontation and the rising importance of Asia and Africa. The anecdote highlighted an educated Asian’s deep knowledge of Western culture, the matter-of-fact role of religion in regional politics, and the openness of discussions between Western and Asian/African representatives, signaling progress beyond earlier colonial attitudes.
A historical review, though simplified, described early nineteenth-century Europe as a closed, regionally developed cultural world, whose conviction of supremacy became more concrete and often simplistic as its influence expanded. This approach hindered genuine contact, making it difficult for Western culture to assimilate offerings from other peoples. Real integration required intellectual humility, which only emerged as European self-confidence was shaken and its closed world crumbled, largely due to forces initiated by Europe itself. The author noted the “blindness” of even well-intentioned pre-World War I European attempts to understand other cultures, colored by unthinking superiority.
World War I brought the Americas into prominence, and World War II opened the door for Asia and Africa. The interwar period saw the dissolution of old European forms and norms, leading to a reappraisal of all values and the breakdown of the closed European cultural circle. Many had witnessed this fading world and the beginning of a new synthesis on a universal basis. While some longed for the past, others embraced the disintegration or reached for the challenging path of synthesis, finding satisfaction in meeting diverse spiritual traditions on equal footing for a common future.
Returning to the anecdote, the author interpreted the Asian representative’s words as a call for cooperation based on solidarity and mutual respect, without false cultural or racial distinctions. The man acknowledged his country’s economic and social challenges but did not view his people’s spiritual life as inferior or as a reason to remain underdeveloped. “Solidarity” was the key, serving as an answer to those who mourned Europe’s receding power.
The author asserted that the health of humanity, like any community, depended on solidarity and shared burdens. Just as an economic upper class cannot claim inherent superiority, neither can nations. No anthropologist would claim fundamentally different potentialities among human branches, a view confirmed by the author’s extensive experience. Therefore, no group could claim national or international superiority in mental gifts; apparent differences were due to vast disparities in opportunities. Democratic ideals of equal opportunities should extend to all peoples and races.
It was in every nation’s self-interest for others to have equal opportunities. Contributing to this was an act of solidarity, beneficial for the whole. This meant substituting leadership for power, assisting other peoples without commands, and helping them develop their resources. The UN, based on solidarity, worked to convey knowledge and material resources to less favored nations, integrating newly free ancient nations with equal voice in councils, regardless of race, history, or power. This “experiment” of equal voice, despite skepticism, had to succeed, requiring those working for the new synthesis not to deny its foundational principles.
Western experts increasingly assisted new Asian and African nations, embodying the spirit of the age. The author hoped Swedes would contribute to this evolution, not as missionaries, but with humble respect for other cultures’ unique gifts. True high culture involved listening, learning, and responding helpfully, while poor listening stemmed from false superiority. Leadership, as an alternative to power, was a dangerous word unless one remembered that influential European cultural leaders were question-askers like Socrates or the carpenter’s son from Nazareth.
The author then briefly addressed the difficulties faced by Asians and Africans in this confrontation. Poverty confronted opulence, and receiving assistance, even in solidarity, could bring feelings of dependence and distrust. The anecdote’s man noted, “I suppose you realize that it may be more difficult to receive assistance than to give it?” This was exacerbated if the needy took pride in their nation’s achievements but felt their value unrecognized.
Differences in value scales created another difficulty. Asians admired Western material achievements and wanted to use them but were unwilling to change their way of life in a manner they perceived as an unavoidable concomitant of technical progress but incompatible with their spirit and traditions. Poverty was relative; once basic needs were met, people weren’t necessarily happier by being exposed to foreign needs that grew faster than means to satisfy them. While the obligation to provide economic security was inescapable, a Buddhist representative, for instance, was more conscious that “man lives not by bread alone.”
Finally, difficulties arose because the world was still close to the epoch when the West felt superior, creating corresponding uncertainty in other cultural regions. For an Asian or African, enjoying Western spiritual heritage might bring a sense of cleavage or rootlessness, or uneasiness akin to treason, while a Westerner could absorb other traditions without similar tensions. This serious obstacle might only be solved by “growing out of it,” like personal difficulties, placing greater responsibility on the one who believed they were stronger.
The Role of the United Nations (Annual Report 1958-1959)
In his August 1959 introduction to the Annual Report, the author discussed the intense diplomatic activities of the past year, largely occurring outside the UN, though sometimes within its precincts or through informal contacts. He noted ongoing negotiations among nuclear powers on test cessation and discussions among Security Council members on the Berlin question, with the UN providing hosting and practical assistance in both cases. Regional discussions within organizations like the OAS, Arab League, and African/Asian State groups also took place, alongside an increase in visits by leading statesmen for personal contact, including upcoming visits between the US and USSR heads of state.
This intense diplomatic activity signified urgent problems and introduced a constructive element through broadened personal contacts, strengthening hopes for reconciliation. While governments and the UN largely agreed on these evaluations, from the UN’s perspective, this development also required special consideration regarding its role and how it served its purposes. The Charter, particularly Article 33, was clear on diplomatic efforts, stating that parties to disputes should first seek solutions through negotiation.
On Africa: International Cooperation and Economic Development
In January 1960, at the inauguration of the Congress for International Cooperation in Africa in Mogadiscio, the author declared 1960 the “Year of Africa,” noting the independence of Cameroon, soon to be followed by Togo and Somalia. He anticipated that by year-end, African nations would form one of the strongest continental groups in the UN. His extensive travels across Africa revealed the “vitality” of its current generation and leaders, suggesting an “African renaissance” akin to the Italian, marked by a resurgence of learning and a strong sense of the “dignity of man.”
African leaders faced an “enormous task” in administration with limited personnel, needing to foster future leaders and build nations from within through education. They confronted a dual problem: creating an international world of universality while preserving Africa’s unique personality and that of each country and group. The author believed this was possible by learning from past mistakes, creating “unity with diversity,” and preserving inherited richness through proper forms of cooperation across administrative, political, economic, and educational spheres.
Later that month, at the UN Economic Commission for Africa in Tangier, the author reiterated that independence in Africa did not always lead to states with optimal geographic configurations for economic development. While sharing experiences and technical cooperation were valuable, the Commission needed to boldly engage in direct economic cooperation through policy harmonization, regional trade expansion, and concerted action in transport and basic investments. This might require sacrifices or new habits, but individual country advancement would be much harder without it, especially given how political borders often cut across natural economic regions. He cited the Nile development agreement between the UAR and Sudan as a positive example, emphasizing that economic cooperation and intimate association were possible without political integration, and should not be postponed.
In a press conference in February 1960, the Secretary-General discussed his African journey, noting a deep unity with sweeping currents across the continent, though reflected differently in various parts. He found the awakening national consciousness to be an extraordinary experience, reflected in individuals and leaders’ thinking and philosophy regarding the UN. He emphasized the importance of personal contact over generalizations.
A second impression was the “infinite variety of problems” in Africa, stemming from diverse historical, economic, ethnic, and sociological fates. Common elements included shortages of personnel, money, education, and moral support. Despite extremely able people, their numbers were few, and the short period of growth had not allowed for broad social groupings for administration and leadership. Assistance in human terms (experts, technicians) was desperately needed, as existing schemes were “ridiculously modest.”
Regarding money, a lack of “economic infrastructure” was evident, including communication networks, school buildings, and basic industries. Education, encompassing broad civic education and specialist training, was a key part of this infrastructure, with existing nuclei being insufficient. The Secretary-General admired the high standards of African universities but stressed that quality had to compensate for lack of quantity.
Most significant was “moral support”—external attitudes reflecting sympathetic understanding, avoiding false superiority, sterile pessimism, or facile optimism. This support, needed from all UN Member States and the Organization itself, was a “standing demand” across Africa south of the Sahara, as the UN was seen as “their Organization.” The UN could provide a framework for young national life, giving deeper sense to independence, and had no problematic past in these regions. Even modest UN aid could significantly help shape political life and build the national state, a role others could not replicate. He preferred aid through UN channels, believing it made money more effective and helped receiving countries find their place on the world map.
Asked about ideological trends, the Secretary-General stated that “the rights of man” was not a foreign ideology to any people, forming the key to Africa’s ideological structure. While eloquently expressed in Western thought, the idea was not exclusively Western.
On bilateral versus UN aid, the Secretary-General acknowledged the trend of some powers favoring bilateral aid, but viewed it not as a danger to the UN itself, but as something that reduced the usefulness of aid from the receiving countries’ perspective. Billions would be “better billions”
The UN and Summit Failure
The Secretary-General firmly rejects weighted voting in the United Nations, asserting that it fundamentally contradicts the Charter’s principle of sovereign equality among states. While acknowledging practical challenges, he believes the benefits of equal voting far outweigh its drawbacks.
The collapse of the Paris summit on May 17, 1960, involving President Eisenhower, de Gaulle, Chairman Khrushchev, and Prime Minister Macmillan, highlighted the failure of high-level negotiations. Understanding the reasons for this failure is crucial for future progress, but the focus should be on renewed, wiser initiatives rather than individual blame. The unresolved issues from Paris persist, demanding honest effort unburdened by recent negative sentiments.
The UN’s responsibilities are amplified, not diminished, by the setbacks of other diplomatic avenues. It provides a stable framework for public and private diplomacy at all governmental levels, avoiding the inflated expectations often associated with unique negotiation attempts. The Organization also facilitates non-publicized negotiations, benefiting from the mediating influence of vitally interested but uncommitted participants. Disarmament, a key issue for the Paris summit, remains a special UN responsibility. The Secretary-General hopes for renewed, energetic discussions in Geneva and encourages all Member nations to utilize the UN to overcome this setback, with the Organization ready to assist or act on its own initiative.
International Cooperation for Sustained Economic Growth
In a comprehensive statement dated June 6, 1960, to the Economic and Social Council, the Secretary-General outlined his views on international economic cooperation. Fifteen years after World War II, despite East-West tensions, global economic cooperation has advanced significantly, driven by a worldwide solidarity that first aided war-torn regions and then focused on bridging the development gap. While political differences hindered East-West economic relations, areas of shared interest have expanded. The Council’s 1960 decision to meet at a ministerial level reflected a commitment to address national and collective economic responsibilities.
Scientific and technological advancements have rapidly increased economic interdependence, shrinking distances and diffusing cultures. This trend is reinforced by the post-war drive for national independence, particularly in Asia and Africa. The emergence of new nations, supported by the UN, has fostered a growing sense of global community. Major trading countries, seeking efficiency, dismantled trade controls and returned to currency convertibility, further increasing mutual reliance and making their economies more sensitive to external influences.
This growing interdependence is reflected in efforts to strengthen inter-governmental organizations outside the UN, such as the Organization for European Economic Cooperation. While these regional arrangements are historically significant, they cannot address global problems alone. The UN remains the sole universal agency for countries with diverse political systems and development stages to exchange views, share problems, and initiate collective action. Without increased UN effectiveness, strengthening regional bodies risks division rather than unity. The ministerial session aimed to reappraise the UN’s economic and social work in light of current political and institutional changes.
Balanced Growth
Balanced growth has emerged as a central concept in public policy worldwide, signaling a healthy shift from a generation focused on crises like depressions, wars, and economic instability. Governments, having successfully contained instability, can now prioritize growth. This global trend is most evident in underdeveloped areas, which, despite a decade of progress, still face living standards far below global productive capacity and post-war expectations. Their challenges include converting stationary economies to growth-oriented ones, allocating resources without inflation, acquiring essential imports, optimizing resource use, providing incentives, and developing markets. Planning, or “the creation of a general perspective giving broad guide-lines and orders of magnitude and objectives,” reflects this preoccupation.
Advanced industrial countries also recognize that satisfactory growth rates are not guaranteed. While post-war living standards are high, recent expansion rates have declined due to less buoyant private investment and government policies that haven’t always balanced growth with price stability and international payments. Questions arise about improving economic and social infrastructure and protecting vulnerable groups. With vast productive capacity and awareness of armament waste, attention should shift to neglected opportunities in education, medical care, and urban blight. Significantly, some advanced industrial countries are establishing long-term economic growth plans.
Centrally planned economies have achieved high growth rates, narrowing the gap with advanced industrial nations. However, questions remain about the balance of capital accumulation, resource allocation, and inflationary pressures. Agriculture and consumption have lagged behind industry and investment, leading to a growing recognition of the need for stronger economic incentives for laborers and peasants through more consumer goods and shorter work weeks.
A generation ago, economic growth policy was considered exclusively national, but this is no longer tenable. The UN Charter established collective responsibility, justified by post-war experience showing that even minor slowdowns in leading economies can have global repercussions. Stable and balanced world economic growth is a dominant UN theme, reflected in resolutions on long-term projections and industrialization plans. Almost all UN operational activities under Technical Assistance and Special Fund programs aim at balanced growth.
Given this existing concern, intensified and systematic UN action is needed. The Council’s underdeveloped function of ‘consultation’ could be crucial in harmonizing national policies and formulating international objectives. The Council Committee’s Programme Appraisal highlights the lack of mutual consistency in nations’ economic and social policies, as governments make significant future development decisions without adequate information on global trends. Harmonization, a Charter function, has seen little progress. France’s reply to a questionnaire on long-term projections stresses that for rapid expansion, minimum coherence of objectives and means is indispensable to avoid dangerous tensions.
Preliminary expert work is needed to clarify concepts and hypotheses for meaningful consultations on long-term economic policies. The UN is well-equipped as a clearing house for national and regional agencies, which could significantly advance the formulation of operational economic growth goals and priorities. Once expert work is advanced, regular, periodic policy-level consultations can harmonize national economic goals, reducing inflationary/deflationary biases and minimizing the risk of conflicting policies frustrating development efforts, especially for developing countries.
Cooperative analysis and consultations, timidly occurring in European regional groupings, make similar undertakings within the universal UN framework even more indispensable. Periodic ministerial meetings could provide guidance for inter-governmental economic decisions. While full development of this process will take time, even early stages of technical and political cooperation would be highly beneficial.
A caution is necessary regarding the dangers of economic planning, such as forecasting difficulties, rigidity, over-ambition, or inconsistency with private enterprise. However, as shown in Programme Appraisal 1959-1964 and the World Economic Survey, long-term economic goal formulation, approached pragmatically and constantly reviewed, can impart flexibility, not rigidity. This approach does not entail changes in basic political or institutional concepts and is consistent with private enterprise expansion, as demonstrated by Japan, Italy, and France. Consultations on long-term objectives should not be mistaken for world economic planning; the Charter implies each country defines its goals according to its resources, institutions, and traditions. Consultations are a means for more effective and realistic objective formulation and policy attainment. As ‘balanced growth’ and ‘economic goals’ integrate into national policies, they will influence UN attitudes on the world economy and international trade/aid policies.
International Trade and Private Capital
The concept of international division of labor, once viewed negatively due to colonial associations, is gaining favor as underdeveloped countries realize it is not necessarily contrary to industrialization. A project for flood control and multiple water resources development in Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam, involving various UN agencies and Member governments, exemplifies international cooperation.
Public aid has become a major instrument in international cooperation, building economic and social infrastructure in underdeveloped countries and expanding opportunities for private capital flow. Recent studies show greater flexibility in foreign investment forms and objectives, with manufacturing industries emerging alongside traditional investments. Governments in less-developed countries are directing scarce foreign private capital into fields that boost national economic development, offering concessions and promotion programs, often supported by public financing. Joint ventures and consortia are increasingly used to pool capital, management, and techniques. Access to scientific information and its adaptation is crucial for rapid development in industries like chemical, electronics, pharmaceutical, and plastics. Major firms in advanced countries are “investing” scientific know-how as partners or licensors in underdeveloped countries, providing training facilities supported by UN technical assistance.
Enhancing foreign enterprise investment requires limiting non-business risks, particularly “political risks” like nationalization or foreign exchange restrictions. Governments are introducing guaranty schemes for investor insurance. National and international schemes for foreign investment protection, acceptable to capital-importing countries, are under consideration, with particular interest in independent recourse for investors, such as international arbitration, in disputes with host governments. Precedent for such arbitration exists in bilateral agreements, investment promotion laws, and concession agreements. While treaty arbitration requires home government action, investors can initiate procedures in other cases. Recent Council debates, despite some hesitation, deemed further exploration worthwhile. The UN’s successful Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards suggests the possibility of international arbitration facilities for foreign investment under or linked with the Organization.
Policies of growth, international trade and aid, and private capital flow are crucial UN responsibilities linked to human welfare and peace, as Article 55 of the Charter aims at “the creation of conditions of stability and well-being which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations.” This connection incentivizes Member governments to strengthen the Organization in promising areas, especially amidst persistent world tensions.
Africa and the United Nations
The “Introduction to the Annual Report 1959-1960,” dated August 1960, begins by highlighting Africa. January 1, 1960, marked the independence of the Cameroons under French administration, the first UN trusteeship to become an independent state, fulfilling Article 76(b) of the Charter. This was followed by the independence of the Togolese Republic and the Republic of Somalia, with fourteen African states recommended for UN membership by the Security Council by the General Assembly meeting, and Nigeria expected to apply soon after. This increased African Member States from ten at the end of 1959 to twenty-five at the fifteenth General Assembly session. Cyprus was also recommended for admission, its independence resolving a long-standing conflict.
The year 1960 is characterized by the independence of many African states and the developments in the Republic of the Congo, which became the UN’s greatest single task. Africa, historically diverse with varied links to the Mediterranean, Islam, or southern Asia, and distinct European colonial impacts, is less homogeneous than other regions. Underlying diversities of race and national history, along with differences between Arabs/Berbers in the north and Africans south of the Sahara, further accentuate divisions. Africa is also becoming a “virgin territory” for global ideological and interest conflicts.
In the Congo task, the UN appealed to “African solidarity within the framework of the United Nations,” which became a reality. The author believes African states should foster this solidarity, and the UN should assist them in shaping their national and regional life. African states must define the elements and aims of their solidarity, with the Congo crisis offering general indications. Negative elements include strong anti-colonialism and understandable elements of racism, though rejected by responsible leaders. These are not principled hostilities but a willingness to cooperate and integrate with the world, firmly rejecting external attempts to turn cooperation into political, economic, or ideological subjection.
Outside reactions have been mixed: some seek to maintain past dominance, others new forms of influence, some view independence as an end in itself, and some manipulate these reactions. The UN’s attitude, guided by the Charter, is to further and support independence in every sense, protecting African peoples’ right to choose their way without undue influence or abuse. As a universal, neutral organization, free from power aspirations, the UN can render service without suspicion, building confidence with responsible African leaders. This creates a responsibility for the UN to provide a framework for new African nations during their sensitive early years of independence, helping them determine their political personality within universality, contributing vitally to international peace and stability.
Despite divisions, African solidarity is a fact whose growth should be welcomed. African states realize independence means interdependence, requiring assumption of international and national responsibility. The contribution of independent African Member States to the Congo operation demonstrated that African solidarity within the UN framework can build on strong national responsibility, radiating internationally and creating interdependence for rewarding results.
Parliamentary and Executive Developments
African developments test the UN’s parliamentary institutions and executive capacity. The increase in UN membership from a region with limited international political experience raised doubts about the General Assembly’s ability to work expeditiously and reflect world opinion, leading to renewed questions about the voting system. The author reaffirms the conviction that there is no practical alternative to the present system of equal votes for all sovereign Member States, consistent with the Charter. While a sudden 20% membership expansion might seem to demonstrate irrationality, this overlooks realities mentioned in previous reports. General Assembly decisions on major questions result from long negotiations and compromises, confirming a negotiated approach rather than a solution by voting mechanics. Decisions, being recommendations, should be analyzed for their true significance, as voting victories or defeats can be short-lived; responsible world opinion in debates and voting is often more important.
Views favoring weighted voting imply a lack of confidence in newly independent States’ seriousness and responsibility, which is unwarranted by UN history, as neither size, wealth, nor age guarantees quality international policy. The author believes new Member States will widen perspectives, enrich debate, and bring the UN closer to realities, democratizing proceedings by lessening the influence of firm groupings. However, widened membership creates practical problems like longer debates and cumbersome proceedings when speed is essential. This directs attention to improving parliamentary methods. The author suggests Member nations consider a greater role for the General Committee (the Assembly’s steering committee) to assume wider responsibility, easing the burden on the Assembly and its substantive committees. Charter revision discussions may also lead to re-evaluating the Security Council’s role, composition, and procedures.
During the Suez and Hungary crises, responsibilities shifted from the Security Council to the General Assembly. Since the Assembly struggles with detailed legal and technical problems, it entrusted the Secretary-General with broad executive tasks based on general mandates. The Suez crisis, where the Secretary-General handled all executive work, severely tested the Secretariat, but smooth and swift progress was made through interplay between the General Assembly, the Secretary-General, and an Advisory Committee. This proved the Secretariat’s value as an executive organ, influencing later developments. In the Lebanon crisis, the General Assembly became involved late, with the Security Council guiding earlier executive action using the Secretary-General’s services. The first part of the Laos crisis was entirely handled by the Security Council.
This year saw the Security Council return to its central role for peace and security, exclusively handling major tasks like South Africa and the Congo. This shift from the General Assembly occurred because these issues were somewhat outside the main power bloc conflicts. The Council, following recent Assembly procedures, used the Secretariat and Secretary-General as its main executive agent. The Congo crisis placed the heaviest strain on the Secretariat, requiring organization of a sizable military force, administrative framework, and a far-reaching civilian program under difficult conditions. This was possible due to Secretariat members’ willingness to assume added burdens and the availability of staff with general backgrounds for new assignments. The author pays tribute to these members.
The Secretariat’s activities in the Congo required an unusual combination of elements, normally needing a larger, more specialized machinery. The interplay between parliamentary operations, political action, diplomatic negotiation, military operations, and administrative measures was subtle and exacting, demonstrating encouraging flexibility in UN work organization. However, experiences also revealed Secretariat weaknesses: insufficient highly qualified senior officials, lack of diplomatic tradition or staff trained in political/diplomatic field activities, and absence of highly qualified military expertise for current preparedness. The author clarifies that the Secretariat shouldn’t be organized to meet Congo-type crises without added strain, but a nucleus with full knowledge and preparation should exist to handle such tasks while maintaining normal work with sufficient second-line reserves.
Regarding a standing UN force, the author’s reply, based on recent Congo experience, is that it would be unnecessary and impractical, as each new situation presents unique problems for force composition, equipment, training, and organization. It is different, however, for willing governments to maintain preparedness for UN demands, and for the Organization itself to have flexible preparedness with qualified staff to adjust plans and assist the Secretary-General in the crucial initial stages of setting up a UN force. The value of such preparedness is seen in the Congo Force’s organization being facilitated by experience from the United Nations Emergency Force in Gaza and conclusions drawn from it. The more complicated Congo operation will yield new valuable experiences for informal planning within the administration.
The United Nations and the Cold War
Despite fundamental differences, significant areas remain uncommitted in major ideological and power conflicts. These non-committed countries, whether neutral or otherwise, avoid tying their policies to any bloc.
The International Civil Servant and Neutrality
The role of the international civil servant and the United Nations is fundamentally shaped by concepts of neutrality, the Charter’s principles, and the Organization’s structure. Advisory committees, such as those for UNEP and the Congo, composed of government representatives, guide the Secretary-General in executing mandates, bridging executive judgment with political consensus. An international civil servant can minimize political controversy by adhering to main organ decisions, interpretive statements, the Charter, and legal principles, while carefully considering precedents. Full reporting and seeking guidance are crucial. Even with these measures, a significant area of discretion remains, exposing the Secretariat to political accusations of lacking neutrality.
The term “neutrality” itself is complex. An international civil servant is not un-neutral for taking a necessary stand on a controversial issue. The challenge lies in personal judgment, which becomes a matter of integrity. Rather than being a “neuter” devoid of personal feelings, the civil servant must be acutely aware of their sympathies and antipathies, meticulously ensuring they do not influence their actions, much like a judge. If guided solely by the Organization’s aims, rules, and legal principles, free from personal bias, they fulfill their duty and can withstand criticism. True integrity, defined as respect for law and truth, even when it conflicts with certain interests, embodies neutrality.
Recent Western critiques suggest a growing divergence between an international Secretariat, moving towards global thought, and Member States, departing from it, leading to tension. This view proposes replacing the international Secretariat with an intergovernmental one, whose members would prioritize national interests over internationalism. Such a shift, abandoning international principles for passive nationalism, could be a “Munich of international cooperation,” jeopardizing peace.
In June 1961, following an Oxford lecture, the Secretary-General addressed the application of international cooperation principles to political decisions like nuclear tests and disarmament. He asserted these principles apply whenever impartial implementation of a decision or agreement is sought. He distinguished between a “natural veto,” where agreement among major military powers is essential, and an “artificial veto,” where a power attempts to make its consent necessary for issues solvable by majority. The natural veto is a reality requiring agreement, while the artificial veto obstructs cooperation. Once an agreement is reached, its impartial execution is paramount, ensuring no new negotiations or undermining of the original decision. The Secretary-General emphasized that the international character of an executive, as outlined in Article 100, is decisive for ensuring non-partisan execution, preventing the Secretariat from becoming mere government representatives.
Responding to the theory that objectivity is irreconcilable with the human mind, the Secretary-General acknowledged that no individual is neutral in a deep human sense, as everyone holds ideas and ideals. However, he maintained that a non-neutral person can undertake “neutral actions” through integrity. He clarified that “neutrality” in this context means neutrality in relation to interests, and that with proper guiding principles, 100% such neutrality is achievable.
Regarding his Oxford speech’s suggestion of constitutional changes if the impartiality of an international civil servant is questioned, the Secretary-General clarified two distinct issues. The first, “Caesar’s wife must not even be suspected,” implies that international service should be subject to all constitutional checks and controls to ensure neutrality of action, a principle he welcomed. The second, his “standing offer of resignation,” is a de facto development without Charter precedent, arising when a permanent member ceases cooperation, and is not a formal parliamentary theory.
Competing Concepts of the United Nations
The “INTRODUCTION TO THE ANNUAL REPORT 1960-1961” (August 11, 1961) highlighted two divergent concepts of the United Nations. Some Members view the UN as a static conference mechanism for resolving conflicts of interest, with a Secretariat that reflects these interests rather than being fully internationalized. Others see it as a dynamic instrument for governments to jointly reconcile differences and develop executive action on behalf of all Members, objectively and in line with Charter principles. This dynamic view envisions continuous growth towards effective international cooperation, served by a Secretariat guided solely by Charter principles and the Organization’s interests. The first concept aligns with traditional national policies and sovereign states in competition, while the second envisages inter-governmental action transcending this, leading to more constructive cooperation. Member governments face a crucial choice regarding the Organization’s future direction.
Charter Purposes and Principles
The Charter’s Preamble and articles establish fundamental rules of international ethics, mirroring standards accepted within states and projecting them globally. This marks a step towards an organized international community. The Charter reaffirms “equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small,” embodying the democratic principle of equal political rights regardless of strength, and implying a right to equal economic opportunities. This underpins the equal voting rights of Member States, commitment to self-determination, and universal respect for human rights “without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.” Article 55 further commits Members to promoting higher living standards and economic progress, forming the basis for extensive UN economic and technical assistance. Those who view the UN as a “neutral” conference mechanism fail to fully appreciate these explicit Charter principles.
These principles have been vital for countries under colonial rule, with the General Assembly actively working to establish free and independent sovereign states through self-determination. The resolution on colonialism at the fifteenth session comprehensively restated this Charter principle, leading to a revolutionary expansion of UN membership. The demand for equal economic opportunities is equally critical for new states, often facing unfavorable economic conditions, as political independence requires economic stability. The UN has successfully translated these democratic principles into international realities.
The Preamble also emphasizes “to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained,” embodying the basic democratic principle of the rule of law. This principle permeates the Charter, aiming to substitute right for might, and making the UN a protector of rights. Justice, implying objectivity and equity, must apply without discrimination, with one standard for all. This principle has deep historical roots in efforts to eliminate international anarchy. The Charter explicitly links these three principles—equal political rights, equal economic opportunities, and the rule of law—to the overarching purpose of “saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war,” emphasizing the concept of an international community where the Organization curbs anarchic tendencies. It further outlaws the use of armed force “save in the common interest,” asserting that force contrary to the Charter cannot yield acceptable results.
The Executive Side of the United Nations
Article 24 of the Charter confers primary responsibility on the Security Council for maintaining international peace and security, granting it rights to establish subsidiary organs, decide on provisional measures, use armed forces, request government action, and entrust functions to the Secretary-General under Article 98. While these clauses offer broad possibilities for executive action, no specific machinery is established beyond the Military Staff Committee. Consequently, executive functions have largely evolved through practice, revealing the Organization’s potential for diplomatic, political, or military intervention.
Executive actions, whether by the Security Council or the General Assembly, are varied, including sub-committees for fact-finding, observation missions, and UN-aegis police forces. Since many arrangements require centralized administration, Members often request the Secretary-General to perform special functions under Article 98, interpreting decisions in light of the Charter and UN precedents. In the absence of guidance from main organs, the Secretary-General sometimes assumes limited political functions, aligning with Article 99’s spirit but legally based on Article 98. These functions remain fully subject to political bodies. This development has become controversial, reflecting differing views on the UN’s role: welcomed by nations needing executive action, but rejected by those adhering to the conference concept.
Article 100 is crucial, establishing the Secretariat’s international and independent character. It mandates that the Secretary-General and staff shall not seek or receive instructions from external authorities and must refrain from actions reflecting on their international official position. Member States, in turn, undertake to respect this exclusively international character. Article 100 thus envisions a Secretariat capable of serving as a neutral instrument and indicates an intention to use it for functions requiring this international character. Proponents of the conference approach often interpret Article 100 differently, while the alternative approach demands an exclusively international Secretariat, incompatible with one composed along party lines. The choice between these views on the Secretariat is fundamentally a choice between conflicting views on the Organization’s functions and future.
There is no contradiction between demanding a truly international Secretariat and the Charter’s call for wide geographical distribution of posts. A balanced geographical distribution is necessary to maintain the Secretariat’s international character, distinct from representing political trends or ideologies. The Secretariat’s international character is tied to its working spirit and insulation from outside influences, not merely its composition. While individuals are not neutral, a neutral Secretariat is possible through individuals of integrity acting in an “exclusively international” spirit, guided solely by the Organization’s interests and instructions.
Disarmament, Big Power Balance, and Self-Determination
The Introduction concludes its review of the Organization’s principles, decisions, and structure by addressing its activities and their relevance to the international situation. Disarmament has long been a central focus for the General Assembly. Recent UN disarmament efforts run parallel to external negotiations, justified by the fact that a limited number of countries hold key positions in armaments, making universal, voting-based decisions ineffective without their basic agreement. Direct negotiations among these powers are a necessary first step, not a derogation from UN responsibilities.
This situation exemplifies the growing challenge of balancing the weight and security interests of big Powers against the rights of the majority of Member nations. The majority cannot expect big Powers to automatically accept majority verdicts on vital concerns, nor can big Powers disregard the majority’s views. The Charter’s rules on the General Assembly and Security Council, and the special position of big Powers in the Council, reflect efforts to balance these elements. This balance problem also applies to specific questions involving big Power security interests, such as the Berlin problem. The community of nations, represented in the UN, has a vital interest in peaceful solutions to such questions, and the UN cannot be considered an outside party without a right to speak if a situation threatens the interests it safeguards.
The Organization’s work in promoting self-determination, self-government, and independence remains a major item until full implementation of basic principles is achieved. Peaceful progress requires executive action, not just decisions within a conference pattern. Both the General Assembly and Security Council have undertaken such action, and future executive action will be necessary. Conflicts related to self-government and independence have presented the UN’s most complicated executive tasks, highlighting differing concepts of the Organization. The “front line” here is often between nations seeking independence and powers with other aims. The UN becomes a focal point, with the majority seeking its support for independence, and power blocs seeing the UN as an obstacle if it provides such support.
The Congo problem and UN activities there illustrate how this reflects on executive functions. External interests and Powers viewed the Congo situation as impacting their international position, leading to strong views on desired developments. The UN, guided solely by the Congolese people’s interests and their right to free self-determination, refused to use its resources to support any faction or allow outside influence. This placed the Organization in a difficult position, facing accusations of partiality from disappointed internal factions and external elements. If the national reconciliation achieved by Parliament provides a stable basis for a peaceful, independent, and unified Congo, it would confirm the correctness of the UN’s approach. Remaining neutral in domestic conflict while actively protecting people’s rights to self-determination is a thankless but essential role for the Organization to fulfill its purpose of furthering unqualified independence. Despite critics, it is hoped that Members will not revise the basic rules guiding UN activities in such situations, as laid down in the Secretary-General’s first report on the Congo.
Economic and technical assistance, particularly for new Member States, is closely related to self-government and independence. The UN and its agencies, despite modest means, offer rich experience and personnel. Proposals for new possibilities to respond to demands from newly independent governments are being considered, recognizing that their problems are similar to those of all economically less developed countries. This year, the General Assembly will consider proposals for a UN-aegis conference to facilitate a breakthrough in applying modern technical achievements to these problems.
UN economic and technical activities have been less influenced by differing concepts of the Organization’s role, but these problems cannot be isolated from the general discussion. While recipient countries should have freedom to take assistance from any source, they should not be barred from receiving all needed assistance through UN channels if they wish. The Organization is far from meeting all such demands, as donor nations often prefer bilateral approaches. This again raises the basic concept of the UN: the conference approach favors bilateral assistance, while the alternative approach opens the door for international assistance, implementing equal economic opportunities for all, to be channeled through the Organization to the extent desired by recipients and within UN capacity. Basic to the UN’s approach to economic and technical assistance is the principle that its services exclusively meet recipient government wishes, without ulterior motives or risk of influencing national or international policies. Whatever executive development occurs, there should never be suspicion that the world community, through the UN, is pursuing anything other than the common good.
Main Arguments
Hammarskjöld consistently argues for the essential role of the United Nations as an instrument for peace, reconciliation, and the advancement of justice in a world characterized by interdependence and ideological divisions. He posits that the UN, despite its limitations, is uniquely positioned to channel constructive forces towards social and economic equality both within and between nations. He emphasizes that the UN’s effectiveness hinges on the commitment of its Member States to its ideals and the willingness of diplomats to engage in both public and “quiet diplomacy” to achieve consensus and resolve conflicts.
A core argument is that international service demands a high degree of personal integrity, courage, and faithfulness to truth and justice, rather than blind loyalty or self-surrender. Hammarskjöld contends that true loyalty to one’s country and to international ideals are not contradictory but complementary, requiring individuals to let their ideals mature universally. He stresses that the character and ideals of those involved in politics and diplomacy are crucial for achieving lasting results, advocating for patience and consistent effort over short-term public success.
Furthermore, Hammarskjöld argues for the strengthening of international law and the judiciary’s role in resolving disputes, believing that a more robust legal framework can restrict the arena where “strength is an argument” and foster a world of order and justice. He highlights the importance of developing a “common law” of the United Nations, encouraging the use of the International Court of Justice, and systematically examining State practice to identify legal agreements and divergences. He also asserts that the UN must actively address the needs of newly independent and developing nations, particularly through initiatives like an international professional and technical civil service, to overcome challenges like the lack of skilled personnel.
Key Concepts
International Public Service: This concept is central to Hammarskjöld’s vision, emphasizing a duty to serve the global community with the same dedication as one would serve family or country. It requires courage, authenticity, and a willingness to challenge inherited conventions, while remaining true to one’s ideals of truth and justice. For international civil servants, this means loyalty to the UN’s principles and aims, even when they might conflict with home country policies, without attacking either.
Quiet Diplomacy: Hammarskjöld advocates for this method as a crucial complement to public “conference diplomacy.” It involves discreet, unspectacular efforts by the Secretariat and Secretary-General, resembling a Foreign Office serving a government, to facilitate negotiations and reconciliation without the rigidity and propaganda often associated with open debate. This approach is seen as vital for maximizing the UN’s value in achieving peace.
An Instrument of Faith: Hammarskjöld describes the UN as an organization inspired by what unites, rather than divides, great religions. While necessarily outside all confessions, it embodies “faith in the dignity and worth of the human person” and a commitment to tolerance and peaceful coexistence. This “faith” is not religious in a confessional sense but refers to a shared belief in fundamental human values and the potential for a just and ordered world.
Strengthening International Law: This concept underscores the need for progressive development of international law to provide a firmer foundation for global order and justice. It includes encouraging the use of advisory opinions from the International Court of Justice, promoting arbitral proceedings, and systematically examining State practice within the UN. Hammarskjöld stresses the importance of Member States accepting the Court’s compulsory jurisdiction to resolve legal controversies more effectively.
Maturity of Mind: This is presented as a rare and essential quality for international service, characterized by acknowledging that one’s fate is self-made, being authentic, and giving fellow men only what is truly one’s own. It implies an inner resolution that manifests as independence, courage, fairness, and genuine international service, outweighing outward success and quantitative measures of happiness.
Themes
A prominent theme is the evolution of international cooperation and diplomacy. The book traces the historical lineage from the League of Nations to the United Nations, highlighting the continuous effort to channel global trends towards peace and justice. It explores the shift from traditional bilateral diplomacy to multilateral “conference diplomacy” and the emerging necessity of “quiet diplomacy” within the UN framework, reflecting a dynamic adaptation to global challenges.
Another significant theme is the ethical and moral foundations of international relations. Hammarskjöld consistently links political action to personal integrity, faith, and the pursuit of truth. He argues that the “battle for the hearts of men” is crucial for peace, emphasizing the role of ideals like justice, truth, and trust in overcoming fear, frustration, and distrust in international affairs. This theme is deeply intertwined with his reflections on human dignity and the need for individuals to act with conscience and courage.
The tension between national interests and global interdependence is also a recurring theme. Hammarskjöld addresses the challenge of harmonizing loyalty to one’s nation with the broader duty to international service. He argues that true nationalism recognizes a nation’s dependence on the world, and that internationalism does not belittle national life but rather provides a framework for its responsible engagement in a globally interconnected society. This is particularly relevant in the context of newly independent nations asserting their sovereignty while navigating global responsibilities.
Finally, the role of the individual in shaping world events is a pervasive theme. Hammarskjöld emphasizes that history is made by men, not blindly, and that individuals, through their actions, character, and commitment to ideals, can influence world development. He challenges the notion that global forces are beyond human control, asserting that understanding and mastering the world requires individual effort, intellectual honesty, and a willingness to contribute to a comprehensive understanding of complex social and political dynamics.
The Author’s Conclusions
Dag Hammarskjöld concludes that the United Nations is an indispensable instrument for navigating the complexities of the modern world and achieving lasting peace and justice. He believes that the UN’s effectiveness is directly tied to the commitment of its Member States and the integrity of those who serve it. He advocates for a continuous evolution of diplomatic techniques, emphasizing the increasing importance of “quiet diplomacy” alongside public debate to foster genuine reconciliation and compromise.
Hammarskjöld stresses the critical need to strengthen international law and the role of the judiciary, arguing that a robust legal framework is essential to move beyond power politics and establish a world governed by the rule of law. He calls for greater use of the International Court of Justice and systematic efforts to develop a “common law” of the United Nations.
Ultimately, Hammarskjöld’s conclusions underscore the profound ethical dimension of international service. He asserts that the character, consistency, and ideals of individuals involved in politics and diplomacy are paramount for achieving meaningful and lasting results. He believes that true international service demands personal courage, intellectual honesty, and a deep-seated faith in human dignity, which, when cultivated, can overcome fear and distrust and guide humanity towards a more peaceful and just future. He also highlights the ongoing responsibility to support newly awakened nations by providing necessary expertise through initiatives like an international professional and technical civil service.
Significance
“The Servant of Peace” is significant as a primary source document offering a unique perspective on the challenges and aspirations of international diplomacy during a critical period of the 20th century. It provides invaluable insights into the thinking of Dag Hammarskjöld, a pivotal figure in the history of the United Nations, whose tenure was marked by intense global crises and the emergence of new independent nations. The collection illuminates his philosophy of international public service, emphasizing the ethical and moral dimensions of global governance beyond mere political expediency.
The book’s exploration of “quiet diplomacy” and the call for strengthening international law remain highly relevant in contemporary discussions about conflict resolution and global governance. Hammarskjöld’s arguments for the interconnectedness of national and international loyalties, and the necessity of individual integrity in public life, offer enduring lessons for leaders and citizens alike. His vision of the UN as an “instrument of faith” in human dignity transcends specific political contexts, providing a timeless framework for understanding the deeper purpose of international cooperation. The proposals for an international professional and technical civil service also highlight early recognition of the importance of capacity building in developing nations, a concept that continues to be central to international development efforts.
